Tv channel comparison Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Tv channel comparison - Research Paper Example In our country Qatar, there are two main local channels which Qatar TV and AlRayyan TV. Each one of these channels has its own aesthetic features and ways of attracting audience. Qatar TV started broadcasting since 1970 while AlRayyan just started one year ago. Of course, given all those years in broadcasting, Qatar TV must have the greater experience. However, lots of arguments have been made by Qatari people that put AlRayyan TV, despites of its recent launch, on top of Qatar TV because of its greater closeness to the Qatari society, having better programs and broadcasters. In this regard, this study aims to clarify differences between these TV channels in terms of social and religious influence, quality of staff and quality of programs broadcasted in the perspective of Qatari people. A lot of people argue and have put AlRayyan TV, despites of its recent launch, on top of Qatar TV , which launched decades ago, because of its greater closeness to the Qatari society, having better pr ograms and broadcasters. Methods The design of this research is quantitative due to its structured format and due to the fact that it is testing a number of variables in a specific situation with the help of extensive previous studies as well as using both descriptive and analytical statistics when analysing field work data such as questionnaire. The research sample was taken from the Qatari population, both male and females from different ages. The main instrument used in data collection was questionnaire that included questions to reflect the four variables the study is dealing with. These variables are: social influence, religion influence, quality of staff and quality of programs. Number of males in the sample: 40 Number of females in the sample: 20 Number of people who voted for: Qatar TV: 40% AlRayyan TV: 60% Mean for Males: 20 Mean for females: 40 Variables Qatar TV AlRayyan TV Total Age Gender Nationality Education (Table should be here) Data for this study was collected fro m the general population. 60 questionnaires were distributed and a total of 43 questionnaires were retrieved through a drop-off and pick-up method. Conclusions and recommendations Summary The study was aimed at identifying which TV station was most popular within the country in terms of social influence, religion influence, quality of staff and the quality of programs. After conducting the research and analyzing the data, it was concluded that AlRayyan TV was the most popular despite its recent launch. This was supported by the data collected from the sample of the 60 people. The limitation of this research is that most people who were interviewed did not return the questionnaire. Some of the information provided was also irrelevant and some respondents were not willing to cooperate. The information provided was also not very substantial since only a small sample of the whole population was interviewed. This data cannot therefore be a total representation of the views of the general population. Ethical Issues The ethical issues in the study are that the information of the respondents must be kept confidential and the identities should not be withheld. It is also very important to make sure that the respondents answer the questions freely without being forced. The researchers must also ensure that they maintain professionalism in the whole procedure. The information should not be changed and should be as accurate as possible. The findings may be useful for the managers of

Cameras in Court Rooms Distort the Trial Process Essay

Cameras in Court Rooms Distort the Trial Process - Essay Example In UK, citizens do not only watch parliament proceedings but also court proceedings without having to attend in person. On the other hand, they also watch debates in the House of Lords and House of Commons on terrestrial television. In UK, trials of well-published are often televised as either news reports or separate documentaries (Brill, 1996, p.51). A channel that only airs criminal justice system’s footage, Court TV, is normally made available in the court rooms to inform the citizens of proceedings of a certain case. O.J. Simpson’s murder trial was fully filmed and watched by millions of audience. This made the lawyers and judges that were involved in this case become international celebrities. Another famous case trial that was filmed and watched by all citizens was that of Louise Woodward – a case of murder committed in the United States (Mason, 2000, p. 26). Pictures of her appearance in the courtroom were transmitted in Britain. That resulted into immens e public reaction. A campaign by the national media raised enough money to pay for her sub sequential appeal and defense costs. The televised emotive pictures made the public to sympathize with her, hence the assistance. Interesting issues concerning discrimination, individual liberties and constitutional rights are raised in this topic. Other international trials have also embraced the significance of audio visual technology (Mason, 2000, p. 26). International criminal tribunals that were concerned with former Yugoslavian dissolution and Rwandan atrocities were also televised, thus gaining mixed reactions from the public. Arguments Supporting Camera Use in the Court Television as Educator; Learning the Law A democratic society allows its citizen’s to access court proceedings. Anyone has a right to sit in the public gallery, watch the whole or part of the trial, or appeal. In UK, citizens are often free to attend even then House of Lords, similar to the way citizens are free to watch the proceedings of the Supreme Court in the United States. Therefore, there is no constitutional barrier that bars court trials from being televised. However, it is difficult for non-lawyers to understand court events. Television coverage normally include commentaries that make it easier for citizens to understand thus making the watching of a trial an educational experience that is even more profitable. In the OJ Simpsons case, camera men were frequently cautioned against taking shots of the messenger. This case has since created a knee-jerk sort of reaction. However, watching all court proceedings is limited during the week as people are busy in their work places. Attending court proceedings in person is every expensive while public gallery is limited in space. People have to arrive very early in courts to attend well-publicized trials in order to secure a seat. Citizens should not enjoy their democratic rights by making such sacrifices of money and time. On the other han d, court proceedings should be televised just like parliament proceedings. This is because laws are usually made in parliament and the role of court is only developing them. Precedent doctrine is normally applied in countries that use common law. Therefore, outcome of subsequent cases can be determined by earlier reasoning. Consequently, court decisions could equally impact on people’s lives just like just like parliament decisions. It is the right of all citizens to know these decisions. Moreover, even though all cases do

Ratification of the Constitution Essay Example for Free

Ratification of the Constitution Essay When the new Constitution was proposed in the year 1787, many arguments arose that opposed its ratification. When the framers of the Constitution met on the 17th of September that year, they asked every state to call a special convention that would take into consideration the ratification of the new constitution. This was all for the purpose of a new government for the thirteen United States of America. All of the major arguments that surfaced in opposition to the new constitution did have reason behind them, but there were still many reasons to justify the ratification of the new Constitution that would create a new US government. At the time, Americans felt that their loyalty to the state governments would keep them from ratifying the new Constitution. As spoken about in Document A, such a vast territory, as the 13 colonies were, cant be governed by one government only but need several small state governments instead. If it were to be governed fully by one government it would no dubitably become a dictatorship. And according to Document B, A very expensive territory cannot be governed on the principles of freedom, otherwise then by a confederation of republics, posing all the powers of internal government; but united in the management of their general, and foreign concerns. This means that one government for all the 13 states would not be sufficient to properly govern on the principles of freedom without help from a confederation of republics. Those who opposed the Constitution also feared the strong central government it would come to create. In Document A, Patrick Henry said in his speech to the Virginia ratifying convention on June 9 of the year 1788, In the British government there are real balances and checks: in this system there are only ideal balances. Till I am convinced that there are actual efficient checks, I will not give my assent to its establishment. By this, Henry meant that until the lines are clear that there are real balances and checks in this new system, he will not support the ratification of this new constitution. Document D shows George Clintons words In Opposition to Destruction of States Rights. Clinton has said The premises which the new form of government is erected, declares a consolidation or union of all thirteen parts, o r states, into one great whole, under the firm of the United States Here he means that The result of one government over all nations will end as a house divided against itself. And in Document G, James Madison  states that the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican then of democratic government; Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motivate exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Madison pointed out that a main central government over the thirteen states would not function properly if the states did not all share a common motive, and if they did, there would still be struggles in acting in unison together. These three main arguments that rose up in opposition to the new constitution that was proposed in 1787 all have fair reasoning behind them. The new government for the thirteen United States of America was meant to unify the country as a whole and set up a way for it to function as one nation. The framers of the Constitution clearly supported its ratification while the states debated whether or not to support it. When in July, 1788, New Hampshire became the ninth state to ratify the constitution, the Federalists soon proposed a Bill of Rights to be added. After approved by the states, 10 of the 12 amendments became the Bill of Rights and with this, the ratification of the Constitution was complete. The thirteen United States of America now had a new government Document A Source: Patrick Henry, speech to the Virginia ratifying convention, June 9, 1788 I am persuaded of what the honorable gentleman says, that separate confederacies will ruin us. In my judgment, they are evils never to be thought of till a people are driven by necessity. When he asks my opinion of consolidation, of one power to reign over America with a strong hand, I will tell him I am persuaded of the rectitude of my honorable friends opinion, (Mr. Mason,) that one government cannot reign over so extensive a country as this is, without absolute despotism. Compared to such a consolidation, small confederacies are little evils; though they ought to be recurred to but in case of necessity†¦.In the British government there are real balances and checks: in this system there are only ideal balances. Till I am convinced that there are actual efficient checks, I will not give my assent to its  establishment. The President and senators have nothing to lose. They have not that interest in the preservation of the government that the king and lords have in England. They will, therefore, be regardless of the interests of the people. Document B Source: The Address and Reasons of Dissent of the Minority of the Convention of Pennsylvania to their Constituents, December 12, 1787 We dissent, first, because it is the opinion of the most celebrated writers on government, and confirmed experience, that a very extensive territory cannot be governed on the principles of freedom, otherwise than by a confederation of republics, possessing all the powers of internal government; but united in the management of their general, and foreign concerns†¦.The first consideration that this review suggests, is the omission of a BILL of RIGHTS, ascertaining and fundamentally establishing those unalienable and personal rights of men, without the full, free, and secure enjoyment of which there can be no liberty, and over which it is not necessary for a good government to have the control. The principal of which are the rights of conscience, personal liberty by the clear and unequivocal establishment of the writ of habeas corpus, jury trial in criminal and civil cases, by an impartial jury of the vicinage or county, with the common law proceedings, for the safety of the accused in criminal prosecutions, and the liberty of the press, that scourge of tyrants, and the grand bulwark of every other liberty and privilege; the stipulations heretofore made in favor of them in the state constitutions, are entirely superceded by this constitution. Document C Source: The Debates In the Convention of the State of New York, On the adoption of the Federal Constitution, June 17, 1788. He would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3.) His objections were comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; 2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole number of the white inhabitants, with three fifths of all others; that is, in plain English, each state is to send representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and three fifths of the slaves it  contains. He could not see any rule by which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation. The principle of a representation being that every free agent should be concerned in governing himself, it was absurd in giving that power to a man who could not exercise it. Slaves have no will of their own. The very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people who were so wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the Southern States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings. Document D Source: George Clinton, In Opposition to Destruction of States Rights The premises on which the new form of government is erected, declares a consolidation or union of all thirteen parts, or states, into one great whole, under the firm of the United States But whoever seriously considers the immense extent of territory comprehended within the limits of the United States, together with the variety of its climates, productions, and commerce, the difference of extent, and number of inhabitants in all; the dissimilitude of interests, morals, and politics in almost every one, will receive it as an intuitive truth, that a consolidated republican form of government therein, can never form a perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to you and your posterity, for to these objects it must be directed: this unkindred legislature therefore, composed of interests opposite and dissimilar in nature, will in its exercise, emphatically be like a house divided against itself Document E Source: Brutus, New York Journal, January 10, 1788 The power to raise armies, is indefinite and unlimited, and authorises the raising forces, as well in peace as in war. Whether the clause which impowers the Congress to pass all laws which are proper and necessary, to carry this into execution, will not authorise them to impress men for the army, is a question well worthy consideration? If the general legislature deem it for the general welfare to raise a body of troops, and they cannot be procured by voluntary enlistments, it seems evident, that it will be  proper and necessary to effect it, that men be impressed from the militia to make up the deficien cy. Document F Source: Noah Webster, â€Å"An Examination into the Leading Principles of the Constitution October 10, 1787 â€Å"Congress likewise are to have the power to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, but have no other command of them, except when in actual service. Nor are they at liberty to call out the militia at pleasure—but only, to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrection, and repel invasions. For these purposes, government must always be armed with a military force, if the occasion should require it; otherwise laws are nugatory, and life and property insecure.† Document G Source: James Madison, Federalist No. 10, November 22, 1787  the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Document H Source: U.S. Congress, Preamble to the Bill of Rights, March 4, 1789 THE Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the  Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institution. RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all, or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution; viz. ARTICLES in addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.

Poverty Ethiopia Growth

Poverty Ethiopia Growth Ethiopia has poor infrastructure, persistent food insecurity, and tough government bureaucracy, one of Africas worst AIDS epidemics, no stock market, weak entrepreneurial tradition, poor internet connections and uneasy labor relations. And it lives in tough neighborhood alongside countries such as war-torn Sudan, Somalia and Kenya. In the global race for investment dollars, conventional wisdom might place poverty-stricken Ethiopia among the worlds bleakest prospects. Its comparative advantage is poverty and cheap labor. Ethiopia is developing country. The level of growth is very poor and slow, and isnt improving nowadays. This poor country continues to face complex economic problems as one of the poorest and least developed countries in Africa. Its Economy is based chiefly on agriculture and weather plays major factor in success rates. The growth is not so much attractive and doesnt look very hopeful. Modern industry bears from under investment, shortages of raw material and poor management. Standard of Living: The GNP of Ethiopia is 113 per capita, being extremely low, and intolerable for any form of adequate survival. (Roberts, 2000) The level of living in turn is substantially low. Major cities tend to be slightly better than other areas, but not by much. The primary Industry of Ethiopia is Agriculture, employing roughly 85% of the countrys workers. The rest of the working population is broken down to 10% in service industries, and the final 5% in manufacturing. There are approximately 9 main natural resources and 1 raw material found in abundance in Ethiopia. Two fourth of the power is supplied through hydroelectricity, making Ethiopia one of modern and least dependent on outside sources of energy in Africa. Country has also narrow-gauge railways, seaports, and National highways that connect major population hub in the central plateau and Eritrea. This is only small portion of Ethiopias transportation systems. Many parts of this poor country are made up of unpaved or uncrossable tracks, making transportation slow and useless. The ratio of people to automobiles is 810:1. The labor involved is monotonous and backbreaking. Workers are being paid low for their work, and are typically situated in inadequate working facilities. Purchas ing markets are few and not good enough to buy cloth etc. Ethiopias capital is very low, and they do receive foreign aid and tariffs. Poverty and Domestic Issues Ethiopias chronic poverty is largely due to high population growth and poor economic performance, exacerbated by mismanagement, conflict and drought. During 1981-91, population grew at nearly 3 per cent per year as compared to economic growth of 1.7 per cent and increase in agricultural production of 0.9 per cent. Between 1978/9 and 1988/9, per-capita food grain production dropped from 200kg to about 150kg, while food imports increased from 178,200 tons to 1,460,400 tons, with relief aid amounting to 70 per cent of the total (ESRDF, 1995: 3). The causes included policy distortions; state grain monopolies and constraints on internal trade; land degradation; low use of agricultural technology; and recurrent drought. Domestic conflict and insecurity played key role, both directly and indirectly. The states huge military expenditure and lack of development assistance constrained development of water resources for irrigation and power essential components of increased food security and poverty reduction in the Ethiopian situation. The Effects Of Complex Economic Emergency And Interventions major cost of conflict and economic mismanagement under the Derg regime, was the exacerbation of chronic poverty and problems of drought and famine. By 1984, Tigray region was roughly divided into two parts: towns and surrounding areas remained under government control, while rural areas were largely under the TPLF (Hendrie, 1994: 127). In rural areas people lived strong-minded with new hopes. Residents of government-held towns depended on food brought in by truck convoys from the south. People in TPLF areas lost access to towns with grain markets disaster for poor households dependent on these markets for access to food. The central governments counter-insurgency strategy directly targeting the civilian population was, with drought, major ca-use of the chronic humanitarian crisis of the mid-1980s (Hendrie, 1999: 65). One aspect of this was the launching of ground offensives against those parts of western Tigray still producing grain surplus (ibid.). The offensives targeted civilian economies and coping mechanisms and aimed to destroy the support base of opposition movements. The consequences were famine and asset depletion, making rehabilitation difficult and leading to chronic and recurrent emergency. Economy And Development Following 17 years of the Derg dictatorship and devastating wars, Ethiopias society and economy was in ruins. More than 400,000 demobilized soldiers and their families were largely destitute, as were up to one million people displaced in ethnic conflicts that flared up after the fall of the Derg. There were thousands of Ethiopians, including long-term residents, evicted from Eritrea; hundreds of thousands returning from exile in neighboring countries; and thousands forced by new conflicts to flee areas where they had been resettled. In May 1991, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) inherited ruined economy and massive debts from 17 years of Derg misrule. An early action of the new regime was to issue charter for the transitional period, indicating the new political direction, with the national question at the centre of the impending political transformation. In November 1991, it followed up with policy paper outlining the economic policy of the transitional period and major principles of moving towards market economy, creating an environment conducive to investment, and rehabilitating the war-torn economy. With donor assistance, the TGE set up an Emergency Recovery and Reconstruction Program (ERRP) for economic revival together with macroeconomic reform program. This helped to stabilize the economy by dismantling the military regimes centrally planned economic system, restoring Ethiopias competitive position through exchange-rate devaluation, and opening up opportunities for private investment, leading to renewed growth in the industrial and service sectors. This was the prelude to substantial structural adjustment program (SAP) and comprehensive policy framework (1992) outlining major reforms agreed between the TGE, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). This led to reform package with three overlapping phases: stabilization, structural reform and further structural reform, with the first phase focused on tighter fiscal and monetary policies and adjusting exchange rates. The social impact of the SAP was reflected in its effect on incomes, prices, the availability of essential services and high urban unemployment. Reduced extraction of resources from the rural sector meant less to support the centre, particularly the major urban sector of government employment, which was drastically reduced by the SAP. The Ethiopian Social Rehabilitation Fund (ESRF), later called the Ethiopian Social Rehabilitation and Development Fund (ESRDF), was established in June 1992 to help address these problems. It has since played significant role in rehabilitating basic services, supporting income generation and reducing poverty for the poorest sectors of society. The governments development strategy aims to reduce poverty through combination of sustained economic growth, improved basic social services and targeted measures to improve incomes, self-reliance and quality of life for the poorest groups and communities. Increased participation of primary stakeholders is seen as essential to all these areas (ESRDF, 1995: 4). It also emphasizes womens participation in development planning and implementation. By 1994 the extent of poverty was reduced to 49 per cent with 21 per cent consumption gap (Dercon and Krishnan, 1998). later study by the Addis Ababa and Goteborg universities indicates marginal decrease of urban poverty between 1994-7 from 41 to 39 per cent (Tafesse, 2000). government poverty report based on 1995/6 household surveys, put the level of poverty at 45 per cent (47 rural households; 33 urban households). There have been decisive moves towards trade liberalization, reducing import duties and privatizing state enterprises. Govern ment policy calls for an increased role for the private sector, although progress has been slow. The principal obstacles continue to include elements of the government bureaucracy, together with the land policy and lack of infrastructure. From the above discussion it can be concluded that the future of Ethiopia is dark. Due to lack of economic opportunities or no proper planning the economic life is below poverty level. The failure to produce sufficient food for its existed population still builds mass hunger. The rulers of this country do not appear to be thinking any planning of future, making chances of development almost expected. References Dercon and Krishnan (1998) Changes in Rural Poverty in Ethiopia, 1989-95. World Bank Discussion Paper. Cited in G. Tafesse (ed.) The Dynamics of Poverty in Ethiopia. Paper presented at the Symposium for Reviewing Ethiopias Socioeconomic Performance 19911999, Addis Ababa, 26-9 April. ESRDF (1995) Ethiopian Social Rehabilitation and Development Fund project document, 28 December. Hendrie, B. (1994) Relief Aid Behind the Lines: The Cross-Border Operation in Tigray. In J. Macrae and . Zwi (eds.) War and Hunger. Zed Books and Save the Children UK, London. Hendrie, B. (1999) Local Effects of Revolutionary Reform in Tigray Village, Northern Ethiopia. Ph.D. thesis, University College, London. Roberts, N. (2000) World Bank Strategy in Ethiopia. Paper presented to the Symposium for Reviewing Ethiopias Socioeconomic Performance 1991-1999, 26-9 April, Addis Ababa. Tafesse, G. (2000) The Dynamics of Poverty in Ethiopia. Paper presented to the Symposium for Reviewing Ethiopias Socioeconomic Performance 1991-1999, April 26-9. Addis Ababa.

Fodors Functionalism Essays -- Body Mind Psychology Essays Searle

Fodor's Functionalism Fodor begins his article on the mind-body problem with a review of the current theories of dualism and materialism. According to dualism, the mind and body are two separate entities with the body being physical and the mind being nonphysical. If this is the case, though, then there can be no interaction between the two. The mind could not influence anything physical without violating the laws of physics. The materialist theory, on the other hand, states that the mind is not distinct from the physical. In fact, supporters of the materialist theory believe that behavior does not have mental causes. When the materialist theory is split into logical behaviorism and the central-state identity theory, the foundation of functionalism begins to form. Logical behaviorism states that every mental feeling has the same meaning as an if-then statement. For example, instead of saying "Dr. Lux is hungry," one would say "If there was a quart of macadamia brittle nut in the freezer, Dr. Lux would eat it." The central-state identity theory states that a certain mental state equals a certain neurophysiological state. The theory works in a way similar to Berkeley’s representation of objects. Both mental states and objects are a certain collection of perceptions that together identify the particular state or object.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Fodor develops the idea of functionalism by combining certain parts of logical behaviorism and the central-state identity theory. From logical behaviorism, Fodor incorporates the idea that mental processes can be represented by physical if-then statements. As such, behavior and mental causation are no longer distinct and unable to interact. Also, logical behaviorism provides a way for mental causes to interact with other mental causes. This, in turn, may result in a behavioral effect. The last point is also a characteristic of the central-state identity theory. One doctrine of the central-state identity theory is called "token physicalism." Token physicalism states that all mental states that currently exist are neurophysiological. Thus, token physicalism does not place physical restrictions on the type of substance capable of having mental properties. When the points of logical behaviorism and the central-state identity theory, as described here, are combined, fu nctionalism is the result. The theory of functionalism supposes that a m... ...whether the simulation of mental processes resulting from a computer program are real mental processes?   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  At the end of chapter two, Searle summarizes his criticism of functionalism in the following way. The mental processes of a mind are caused entirely by processes occurring inside the brain. There is no external cause that determines what a mental process will be. Also, there is a distinction between the identification of symbols and the understanding of what the symbols mean. Computer programs are defined by symbol identification rather than understanding. On the other hand, minds define mental processes by the understanding of what a symbol means. The conclusion leading from this is that computer programs by themselves are not minds and do not have minds. In addition, a mind cannot be the result of running a computer program. Therefore, minds and computer programs are not entities with the same mental state. They are quite different and although they both are capable of input and output interactions, only the mind is capable of truly thinking and understanding. T his quality is what distinguishes the mental state of a mind from the systemic state of a digital computer.

Effects of Industrial Age on Wildlife :: essays research papers

Effects of Industrial age on wildlife   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  As humans continue to advance in technology and increase in population it seems to have possible negative effect on the echo system. I am looking at two specific species, The Ivory-billed woodpecker ( Campephilus principalis), believed to already be extinct until resent sightings, (James Owen for National Geographic News April 28, 2005) and Coyotes (Brian Handwerk for National Geographic News June 7, 2005) Animals are forced to adept to changes in there environments or the life cycle will no longer be able to exist. This possibly is a living example of Evolution in progress. What is the long term effect of the continued destruction of natural habitats? This is a good example of how organisms can evolve due to changes in their ecosystems.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I am talking about two different species of animals first being a bird and the second one the coyote. What I have found in my research on this is that an majestic bird, the Ivory-Billed woodpecker that inhabited the lowland forest of southeastern U.S. between 1880 and the 1940s was believed to have become extinct due to the logging which destroyed their habitat. For sixty plus years the Ivory-Billed woodpecker that was thought to be extinct was once again spotted in 2004. While the data has been authenticated on the sightings, more observations are in the planning. The U.S Fish and Wildlife Service is identifying funds for recovery efforts. This rediscovery has spearheaded efforts to save 550,000 acres of bayous in the Big Woods of Arkansas. The Nature Conservancy has conserved 18,000 acres in The Big Woods. Coyotes are another animal that is adapting to the rapid changes in their natural habitat. Coyotes which live in a wide verity of environments from desert, mountainous, open country and grasslands, seems that they are also become urbanites. These very smart animals are becoming habituated to are urban environment, changing there behavior to adapt to ours. In California and New York State Coyote’s are becoming more aggressive. This subsidized environment is artificially high in food for these adaptable animals. At Cornell University wildlife biologist Paul Curtis and his team are starting a five years study of coyote ecology and behavior.

Leadership and domestic politics

IntroductionScholars in political sciences frequently argue on the power of separate groups and leaders in their strivings towards hegemony, as well as their role in creating politics in general (Jacobsen 1996; Hermann & Hagan, 1998). As a result, what we read in works on politics is often contradictory and sometimes arguable. When we speak about the striving of certain political leaders to hijack their domestic politics for the sake of creating an empire, we should first analyze whether any politics can be called domestic. Consequentially, the possibility of separate political groups breaking the power of leaders should be analyzed through the prism of the three major political theories: realist, constructivist, and liberal. As a result, we will acquire a set of clear unbiased notions on the basis of which we will be able to come to relevant conclusions as for the possibility of creating a political empire through hijacking domestic politics (if we prove these exist).The discussion of the current subject should possible be started with the analysis of political domesticity, and the role of domestic politics (states, leaders) through the prism of political realism.â€Å"Realism relies for its explanatory power upon disproportionate enfranchisement of diplomatic elites. An enfranchised actor in two-level games is one who is privileged to participate in the ratification process of an agreement or whose consent is required to implement it.† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 97)This statement can be interpreted from the two different viewpoints: on the one hand, realist theory supports the power of separate political groups in decision-making; on the other hand, realist theory seems to deny the power of separate political formation in their strivings towards creating political empire. Certainly, the politics which have the full right to participate in multifaceted political processes do not objectively have the need to hijack their strong positions within the political dec ision-making structures. However, when we suggest that domestic politics can be hijacked for the sake of creating an empire, can this statement be relevant? Objectively, it cannot as long as the fact of politics being domestic is irrelevant.This can be assumed not merely on the basis of rapid globalization process within political environment. International forces currently appear stronger than those of separate states. â€Å"Brazil resisted American threats to its computer policies, while the European Union quickly capitulated to the U.S. in agricultural issues.† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 99) As a result, international issues often prevail over those which were traditionally supposed â€Å"domestic†. Of course, domesticity of politics is not totally lost, as inner-state decision-making agents still analyze the events at the international political arena and process them before these are delivered to the masses. Yet, not a single politics can longer separate it from being an international political player. The world political situation leads us to the thought that â€Å"states operate simultaneously at domestic and international levels and want to maximize benefits in one domain to enhance their positions in the other† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 101). Thus, not a single politics in the globalized political processes can characterized as being domestic.Thus, we have come to conclusion that the first part of the discussed question is at least irrelevant. However, and probably surprisingly, this does not mean that the whole assumption is politically meaningful. Continuing the line of political realism we should also have a look at separate political players, who may have claims at creating political empire. In this sense, does leadership still matter or is there any chance that it will be neglected to create political hegemony of certain political groups?While Jacobsen (1996) asserts that the domestic structure of states is extremely vague and depends solel y on how political leaders interpret external events for the benefit of their position, this viewpoint also leads us to the thought that leadership should also be viewed through the international prism. Leadership as domestic political phenomenon loses its relevance as soon as we return to the discussion of domesticity as meaningless in the global political structure. In connection to political realism, leadership still matters.â€Å"Leaders define states’ international and domestic constraints. Based on their perceptions and interpretations, they build expectations, plan strategies, and urge actions on their governments that conform with their judgments about what is possible and likely to maintain them in their positions† (Hermann & Hagan 1998, p. 126).Thus, to follow the provisions of political realism, and to remain within the limits of leadership framework, it is rather difficult to assert whether separate groups will hijack various policies to create political em pire. The fact is that their power in conquering hegemonic position will depend on the number of factors. First, the power of groups depends on the power of the leader: when groups seek to determine whose position in the foreign policy matter, they simultaneously determine the power of leader’s policy. Upon the leader’s inability to find consensus with the groups, these groups will in turn search for consensus between themselves; as a result, this cohesiveness will produce the so-called â€Å"groupthink†, and will cause â€Å"premature closure around options preferred by the more powerful policymakers† (Herman & Hagan 1998, p. 127).Second, the opportunity of the certain political groups to hijack the leader’s policy for the sake of creating an empire will depend on the importance of question to be resolved as a result of this attack. Within the lack of domesticity, and the globalized political processes, an unlimited number of political groups can exist, which will have the power in foreign decision making due to their expertise or official position (Herman & Hagan 1998, p. 128).Again, it will depend both on the power of these groups and the power of the higher political structures, whether those groups will be capable of breaking the existing political regime towards empire. However, when we speak about the lack of political domesticity and the growing globalization of political decision-making, we can also mean that the notion of political empire is far less meaningful than it could be in other political conditions. Yet, the meaning of leadership and the meaning of political groups vs. leadership has not lost its meaning.The striving of separate political groups towards creating empire is rather vague and inconsistent within the notions of political constructivism. Traditionally, political constructivism was based on the importance of political norms and the importance of following these norms as based on public reason. Whe n we accept the fact of existing political hierarchy, in which leaders and political groups may find themselves in political conflict, and in which the latter may hijack the former to create an empire, we have to accept the possibility that both will come to a reasonable consensus and would act according to the mutually agreed norms.â€Å"Everything depends then for the constructivist on whether there is a rich enough level of consensus to arrive at a shared understanding of the reasonable to enable us to arrive at a shared understanding of the justice† (Stephan 2004, p. 207). It is expected, that in the environment of political consensus between the leader and the groups, the groups would have no stimuli to hijack the existing political stability for the sake of the unstable empire. The striving of political groups towards power in constructivist theory is weak and meaningless as long as political constructivism is connected with pluralism (Stephan 2004, p. 209). Surely, pol itical scholars may interpret pluralism as causing possible risk to the power of leaders; however it is more possible that numerous norms and groups will compromisingly co-exist in the global political environment without breaking its balance.Political liberalism as the tool of analyzing the political power of groups vs. leaders is even more interesting. As constructivism, liberalism is connected with pluralism, but its pluralism is different and seems to be more problematic in the striving of groups to power. First of all, liberalism initially treats governments as politically neutral powers. As a result, the power of social groups acquired additional meaning and literally turns into a threat for government in their political strivings. Moreover, the pluralism which political liberalism treats seems to be more negative than positive within the current discussion.This means that liberal pluralism risks creating identity-wars within various political formations (Rawls 1995, p. 100). As a result, liberal thought is the closest to supporting the idea of political groups hijacking the power of political leaders. Simultaneously, even in this light the chance that political groups would strive to break the existing political regime, are vague due to the stable universalism of humanist ideas, to which liberal groups keep. In this sense the liberal view of the discussed question reminds that of political constructivism.It is important to note that in the global political environment, liberal political cultures are frequently positioned as those opposed to non-liberal cultures. As a result, there are significant risks of political conflicts and the desire of either liberal or non-liberal groups to obtain the power by hijacking the opposed regime. in this aspect liberal thought can be closely connected with the realist provisions: this will depend on the power of leaders, the importance of the questions to be resolved, and the ability of the groups to come to political consensus, whether they will attack the existing political regimes. As a result, we return to the thought that we cannot definitely accept the viewpoint that groups will hijack the policy of their states or groups of states to create an empire.ConclusionWe have thus come to conclusion that politics can hardly be domestic. In the light politics being closer to transnational, groups will hardly strive for hijacking narrower policies for the sake of creating an empire. This statement is justified by the realistic variety of factors (the power of state leadership, the importance of the question to be resolved, and the rivalry between groups). Political constructivism tends to observe groups as existing in consensus, and thus being deprived of motives to hijack their political stability. However, when liberal players are positioned against non-liberal players we return to the realist view of political groups, when their striving to break the existing political regime is very vague and ca n be determined only by a wide range of political stability factors.ReferencesHermann, M.G. & Hagan, J.D. (1998). International decision making: Leadership matters.Foreign Policy 110 (Special edition), 124-137.Jacobsen, J.K. (1996). Review: Are all politics domestic? Perspectives on the integration ofcomparative politics and international relations theories. Comparative Politics 29 (1), pp. 93-115.Rawls, J. (1995). Political liberalism. Columbia University Press.Stephan, H. (2004). Constructivism in international relations: The politics of reality. In M.Zehfuss, Constructivism in international relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 202-218.